Diversity

In the Western media, any Arab country's tolerance is always measured by how it treats its Jewish minorities. The coverage of Djerba Jews has been excessive in the media, as they were wrongly perceived as the first target of the so-called "rising post-revolutionary fundamentalism". That, of course, fits almost perfectly into the narrative of putatively ingrained "hatred for Jews" in the Arab world and fits other politically calculated accusations. Last year's coverage of the Jewish pilgrimage in Djerba featured more reporters than pilgrims themselves, as everyone was almost expecting some outburst of bigotry and intolerance.
But coverage of other minorities, especially blacks, has been virtually non-existent. This article from last year sheds an illuminating light on the trials and travails of Tunisia's blacks and their daily struggle for acceptance, let alone full-fledged equality. Today, finally, at least one high-ranking politician acknowledged the importance of racial equality and called for "active presence of Tunisian Blacks in the public area", according to TAP.
Constituent Assembly chairman Mustapha Ben Jaafar said during a meeting with civil society activists: "It is imperative to be vigilant as to the issue of racial discrimination, particularly in kindergartens, educational curricula and media."
Hopefully, it is the first step toward elevating the issue in the public debate and not only making Tunisia's black population more visible in public life and the media but also drawing attention to the rich and varied facets of Tunisian identity.

Slim Riahi

His name hit the headlines during the Constituent Assembly elections in October 2011 when he poured hefty sums of money into his electoral campaign. The level of electoral campaigning and marketing was unprecedented for Tunisia where the one and only candidate hardly even bothered to campaign. Riahi brought a lively and vibrant tone into the electoral scene but his Free Patriotic Union (UPL) failed to get a single seat (which shows that financial clout could hardly buy Tunisians' votes despite the ubiquitous claims that Ennahda "bought" votes using petrodollars).

But Riahi did not retreat from the public view. He used his fortune to acquire the immensely popular Club Africain, all the while continuing a political route. Last Saturday, however, Riahi received a note demanding that he quit his post as the CA head due to some legal provision that forbids politicians from occupying both political and sport positions.

Business News TN says that Riahi is not the only politician at the helm of a sport club. They cite Democratic Alliance member Mehdi ben Gharbia who owns Club Athletique Bizertin, deputy Mahmoud Baroudi who is also the spokesman of Grombalia Sport and Club Sportif de Hammam-Lif. chief Adel Daadaa, who is Rached Ghannouchi's counsellor.

This article suggests that the move could be aimed at neutralizing Riahi politically ahead of the elections and particularly target him after he unleashed criticism against President Marzouki following the political crisis after Belaid's assassination. Back then, Riahi sarcastically suggested that the incumbent president occupy himself with writing memoirs than politics.

However, the ban on occupying both sport and political posts was suspended, following the controversy, which underscores again that this government is responsive to criticism after all.

LPRs

These controversial pro-government militias, blamed for the death of opposition Nidaa Tounes member last October and attacking UGTT offices, are spiralling out of control. They are now trying to rally supporters for the so-called 'Kasbah 4' against their dissolution. This article in Business News Tunisie shows that the shadowy groups are becoming a liability even for Ennahda, which has just made major concessions in abandoning regal ministries. From the local coverage of the new government line-up, it appears that Ennahda does not receive sufficient credit for making these concessions, even though the party commanded majority only less than two years ago. But probably it is one of the inalienable features of democracy - perpetual criticism of the governemnt where its minor erros and mishaps are zoomed in but concessions and achievements overlooked. Of course, the Tunisian government cannot boast major achievements but it can hardly be accused of a power grab or repression.

Shortly after Chokri Belaid's assassination, collective blog Nawaat.org posted a poll question, asking readers if they support dissolving the Leagues for the Protection of Revolution. 75% responded yes (of course, these numbers don't reflect public opinion, since Nawaat's readership is mainly pro-opposition).

Self-immolations

The March 12th self-immolation of Adel Khadri evokes the memories of the spark of the Tunisian revolution, Mohamed Bouazizi. But while over two years ago, the tragic incident served as that last drop that encapsulated the rampant sense of desperation and anger, today the incident fails to elicit such strong reactions. There's obviously a sense of fatigue and disillusionment, which is almost becoming fashionable in the media circles and the secular elite. The pervasive rhapsody of 'how little has changed' is the song of the day but does little to help the government solve the current problems.

Mon Massir shows that the peak of self-immolations occurred in 2011, the year of the revolution (91). The number subsided the following to 63, and this year has already 11 recorded incidents.

The numbers are demoralizing. Self-immolations do not accomplish much, except for depriving families of their breadwinners and contributing to the sense of self-defeatism that is the first obstacle to overcoming victimhood and reasserting oneself.

Illiberal democracies

This article by Musa al-Gharbi makes an interesting point about illiberal democracies and popular will in the Arab world. The statistics mentioned, however, are rather surprising to say the least:

Consider this: in one of the first scientific polls following the fall of Hosni Mubarak, a plurality of respondents (41.4%) identified Saudi Arabia as their ideal model of government to replace the regime (four times more votes than the runners-up, being the U.S., China, and Turkey, with 10% each).

The idea that popular uprisings in the Arab world will bring undemocratic forces to power is hardly new. But what is valuable in this analysis is that it argues for accepting it and dismantles the so-called "hijacked" revolutions argument. Usually when pundits make a similar point, they couch it in neo-colonial terms to prove that "Arabs are just not ready for democracy" and their popular wills can be easily circumvented. Needless to say that the pseudo-argument is fallacious and dangerous.

But for the author of this article, the essence of democracy is not only in putatively liberal institutions but respecting and accepting the will of the majority. He writes: "To continue to promote these liberal movements at the expense of the popular will and interest — this would be nothing short of cultural colonialism."


This really pertains to Tunisia and Western coverage of events in the country. The Western media aggressively criticize and even slander the Islamist movement, oblivious to the fact that they ascended to power as a result of the nation's first free and fair elections. Could it be said that this ubiquitous anti-Ennahdism is a form of cultural colonialism?

Playboy and the Arab Spring

This article published in Playboy re-creates the Orientalist images of licentious Arabs that find their oases of pleasure despite the so-called Islamist encroachment of the Arab Spring. The author crisscrossed bars and clubs from Morocco to the Gaza Strip to mold this highly entertaining but overly exaggerative and at times even slanted narrative. Overall, worth reading solely for entertaining if you have a spare few minutes (it's a long article as well).

Ennahda defection

After Hamadi Jebali's resignation, criticism by Abdelfattah Mourou and Samir Dilou, Ennahda is facing another critical test. But this time it's a real defection that is likely to deal a heavy blow to the Islamist party and tear apart the deceitful veneer of unity that Rached Ghannouchi so assiduously tried to preserve.
Just a few weeks ago, the Islamist leader vowed that his party stayed united. But reports of deepening rifts between the party's hardliners and so-called moderates pervaded the media. Mourou's revealing and brutally honest remarks about the party's failures drew the ire of the party leadership but rang the first alarm that defections may start to pick up.
And here it is... The first defection from a philosopher, not only a party activist but one of the brains behind it. Abou Yaareb Marzouki resigned from the Constituent Assembly on March 6th.
On his Facebook page, Marzouki said that the Ennahda's greatest failure was its inability to govern the affairs of the party and doling out portfolios to "the relatives, friends and the loved ones". The words ring bitterly familiar, as the same accusations were levelled against the infamous Trabelsi clan that ruled Tunisia like a family estate. The veneer of incorruptibility that Ennahda capitalized on while riding to power is now dissipating.
"If the party had put the right people in the right places, it would have sacked most of its current ministers," Marzouki said. He noted tensions within the tripartite coalition, where "each one considers himself the leader". Moreover, Marzouki said that "the discourse of the party is so loaded with religion that their political meetings have turned into sermons". He blamed the party for fighting "the evil with the evil, corruption with corruption" and acting "contrary to its principles".
This should be a great wake-up call for Ennahda leadership. It is no longer possible to hide that the once-potent structure is in deep trouble, plagued by divisions and popular dissatisfaction. The current impasse will only turn more people away from the party and empower the opposition, many of whom come from the Ben Ali era. One can only hope that it will not spell the beginning of the counter-revolutionary tide, and Ennahda leadership can launch some serious soul-searching to remedy the nation's most respected opposition structure and acknowledge failures.

Marzouki rocks the internet

The Tunisian president the second most "connected" head of state in Africa, according to this study by economiematin.fr. According to this report, as of December last year, the president was "liked" on Facebook 842,947 times and had 48,575 followers on Twitter. He is only behind the Rwandan president in this rating. Marzouki re-tweets positive articles about himself and posts his writing as well as info about his books in Arabic. It's great that the president favors Arabic on his personal page.

After much talk about the role of social media in propelling the Arab Spring, it's great to see that the leaders are harnessing the power of these tools and seek to connect meaningfully with young people.

Mourou takes aim at salafists

After blasting his own party for failing to reach compromise and dividing Tunisia, Ennahda co-founder Abdelfattah had to take a step back and explain to the party leadership that his words were twisted. This time, the party leader is taking aim at salafists. Speaking at a conference yesterday, Mourou said that salafists "do not take account the changes that have taken place in Muslim society" and "follow the 10th and 12th century versions of Islam".

The division within Ennahda is becoming all the more salient, with Mourou, Jebali and Samir Dilou on the one specter and Ghannouchi and Laarayedh on the other.

Meanwhile, President Moncef Marzouki told El Khabar today that he would continue talks with "the traditionalist and reformist" currents of the salafist movement. But the president vowed to fight "the armed current... within the bounds of the law".

Some elements of Tunisian society would love to see tougher action against salafist fringes but this government is being careful not to revert to the old practices of authoritarianism and Islamist crackdown. It has to walk a fine line between respect for religious expression and rule of law, among numerous other challenges. The new government formation process looks stalled again, with Defence Minister Abdelkarim Zbidi rejecting a request to retain his post. He was the only "regal" minister not from Ennahda, and his departure may fuel the perception of Ennahda trying to usurp power.

Ennahda ready to de-politicize mosques

The Islamist party is often depicted as an intransigeant force that would cling to power at all cost and embark on the nation's creeping Islamization. But the mouvement's information officer, Mohamed Nejib Gharbi, has just declared that Ennahda is ready to "neutralize" mosques, unions, lyceums and cultural houses. The party's supporters perceive as double standard the opposition's insistence on de-politicizing mosques while not making the same demands for the unions. The powerful UGTT has historically been also a political actor that played a pivotal role in the independence struggle. Now, the labor union acts as a counterweight to the governing Islamist party and has been the target of numerous attacks by pro-government militias.
Earlier this week, Rached Ghannouchi said that his party would hand over sovereign ministries of the interior, foreign affairs, defence and justice to independents.

Nidaa Tounes popularity rises

This latest survey conducted by Stigma Conseil shows growing popularity of Beji Caid Essebsi's party, Nidaa Tounes. Almost 30% of Tunisians would vote for Essebsi if the elections were to be held now, whereas around 22% would support Hamadi Jebali and 12% would give their vote for communist leader Hamma Hammami.

These figures basically underscore the fallout from Chokri Belaid's assassination. His comrade Hammami gains in popularity due to solidarity, while support for Ennahda dwindles. Jebali's principled stance against his own party won him points.

Often portrayed as remnants of the RCD and even as a counter-revolutionary force, Nidaa Tounes may be poised to emerge as the winner from this political debacle. It may undeservedly reap the benefits of Ennahda's failures and turn into a formidable force on Tunisia's fractured political scene. The CPR, Ettakatol and the Democratic Alliance may, however, be condemned to oblivion.

The hope is, however, that the current political turmoil will not lead Tunisians to grow wistful about the good old days of dictatorship. Many voted Ennahda into power because of the Islamists' record of strenuous opposition to the dictatorship and self-sacrifice. Some opted for Ennahda not because of what the party represents but what it does NOT represent, which is RCD. Now those voters are getting disillusioned. Hopefully, they will not make the same mistakes and think twice before bringing to power Bourguibists and Benalists just because they are not Nahdhaouis.